Publications

2017

  1. Lelkes, Y., Sood, G., & Iyengar, S. (2017). The Hostile Audience: The Effect of Access to Broadband Internet on Partisan Affect. American Journal of Political Science, 61(1), 5–20. https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12237

    Over the last two decades, as the number of media choices available to consumers has exploded, so too have worries over self-selection into media audiences. Some fear greater apathy, others heightened polarization. In this paper, we shed light on the latter possibility. We identify the impact of access to broadband Internet on affective polarization by exploiting differences in broadband availability brought about by variation in state right-of-way regulations (ROW). We merge state-level regulation data with county-level broadband penetration data and a large-N sample of survey data from 2004 to 2008 and find that access to broadband Internet increases partisan hostility. The effect occurs in both years and is stable across levels of political interest. We also find that access to broadband Internet boosts partisans’ consumption of partisan media, a likely cause of increased polarization.

    @article{Lelkes2017,
      author = {Lelkes, Yphtach and Sood, Gaurav and Iyengar, Shanto},
      doi = {10.1111/ajps.12237},
      issn = {15405907},
      journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
      number = {1},
      pages = {5--20},
      title = {{The Hostile Audience: The Effect of Access to Broadband Internet on Partisan Affect}},
      volume = {61},
      year = {2017}
    }
    
  2. Malka, A., Lelkes, Y., & Soto, C. J. (2017). Are Cultural and Economic Conservatism Positively Correlated? A Large-Scale Cross-National Test. British Journal of Political Science, 1–25. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123417000072

    The right–left dimension is ubiquitous in politics, but prior perspectives provide conflicting accounts of whether cultural and economic attitudes are typically aligned on this dimension within mass publics around the world. Using survey data from ninety-nine nations, this study finds not only that right–left attitude organization is uncommon, but that it is more common for culturally and economically right-wing attitudes to correlate negatively with each other, an attitude structure reflecting a contrast between desires for cultural and economic protection vs. freedom . This article examines where, among whom and why protection–freedom attitude organization outweighs right–left attitude organization, and discusses the implications for the psychological bases of ideology, quality of democratic representation and the rise of extreme right politics in the West.

    @article{Malka2017,
      author = {Malka, Ariel and Lelkes, Yphtach and Soto, Christopher J},
      doi = {10.1017/S0007123417000072},
      issn = {0007-1234},
      journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
      pages = {1--25},
      title = {{Are Cultural and Economic Conservatism Positively Correlated? A Large-Scale Cross-National Test}},
      url = {http://biorxiv.org/content/early/2017/02/23/081844{\%}0Ahttps://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0007123417000072/type/journal{\_}article},
      year = {2017}
    }
    
  3. Vreese, C. H. D., Boukes, M., Schuck, A., Vliegenthart, R., Bos, L., & Lelkes, Y. (2017). Linking survey and media content data: Opportunities, considerations, and pitfalls. Communication Methods and Measures, 0(0), 1–24. https://doi.org/10.1080/19312458.2017.1380175
    @article{devreese2017,
      author = {Vreese, Claes H. De and Boukes, Mark and Schuck, Andreas and Vliegenthart, Rens and Bos, Linda and Lelkes, Yph},
      doi = {10.1080/19312458.2017.1380175},
      eprint = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19312458.2017.1380175},
      journal = {Communication Methods and Measures},
      number = {0},
      pages = {1-24},
      publisher = {Routledge},
      title = {Linking survey and media content data: Opportunities, considerations, and pitfalls},
      url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19312458.2017.1380175},
      volume = {0},
      year = {2017},
      bdsk-url-1 = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19312458.2017.1380175}
    }
    

2016

  1. Lelkes, Y. (2016). Winners, losers, and the press: The relationship between political parallelism and the legitimacy gap. Political Communication, 33(4), 523–543. https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2015.1117031

    Recent work has explored how individual and institutional factors affect the gap in perceptions of political legitimacy between electoral winners and electoral losers, but has ignored the role that the political information environment, in general, and ideologically biased media, in particular, plays in exacerbating or diminishing this gap. By combining individual-level public opinion data in 28 countries, an expert survey on media systems, and a variety of country-level indicators, I find that higher levels of political parallelism in a country are associated with a larger winner-loser gap in institutional trust and satisfaction with democracy. The relationship is con- tingent on whether or not people are actually exposed to said media. This research, which links the study of political communication with the study of comparative political behavior, indicates that the increasing availability of partisan news around the world is a cause for concern. Keywords

    @article{Lelkes2016a,
      author = {Lelkes, Yphtach},
      doi = {10.1080/10584609.2015.1117031},
      issn = {1058-4609},
      journal = {Political Communication},
      keywords = {legitimacy gap,media bias,partisan news,trust,website},
      mendeley-tags = {website},
      number = {4},
      pages = {523--543},
      title = {{Winners, losers, and the press: The relationship between political parallelism and the legitimacy gap}},
      url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2015.1117031},
      volume = {33},
      year = {2016}
    }
    
  2. Lelkes, Y. (2016). Mass polarization: Manifestations and measurements. Public Opinion Quarterly. https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfw005

    The debate on mass polarization is itself polarized. Some argue that the United States is in the midst of a culture war; others argue that the claims are exaggerated. As polarization is a multifaceted concept, both sides can be correct. I review four distinct manifestations of polarization that have appeared in the public opinion literature—ideological consistency, ideological divergence, perceived polarization, and affective polarization—and discuss ways in which each has been measured. Then, using longitudinal data from the American National Election Studies (ANES), I update past analyses in order to more clearly show the ways in which Americans have or have not polarized: Americans at the mass level have not diverged, nor have they become more consistent ideologically, but partisans have; perceptions of polarization have increased, but this change is driven by partisans, who increasingly dislike one another.

    @misc{Lelkes2016c,
      author = {Lelkes, Yphtach},
      booktitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
      doi = {10.1093/poq/nfw005},
      issn = {15375331},
      number = {Specialissue1},
      pages = {392--410},
      title = {{Mass polarization: Manifestations and measurements}},
      volume = {80},
      year = {2016}
    }
    
  3. Lelkes, Y., Malka, A., & Sheets, P. (2016). Democratic Like Us? Political Orientation and the Effect of Making Democracy Salient on Anti-Israel Attitude. Journal of Experimental Political Science, 3(1), 97–107.

    Israel is viewed unfavorably among wide segments of the public within several European democracies, despite being regarded itself as a Western democracy. Does drawing attention to Israel’s democratic attributes improve views toward Israel? In two surveys with Dutch national samples, anti-Semitic affect, low anti-Arab/Muslim affect, and left-wing political orientation independently predicted anti-Israel sentiment. However, in experiments embedded within the surveys, making salient Israel’s democratic attributes had opposite effects on Israel attitude across those on the right and the left – slightly decreasing anti-Israel sentiment among those with a right-wing orientation but slightly increasing anti-Israel sentiment among those with a left-wing orientation. We discuss potential explanations grounded in social psychological theory as well as implications for the strategic communication efforts of groups seeking to influence attitudes toward Israel.

    @article{Lelkes2015b,
      author = {Lelkes, Yphtach and Malka, Ariel and Sheets, Penelope},
      journal = {Journal of Experimental Political Science},
      keywords = {Ideology,Israel,anti-Semitism,political attitudes,website},
      mendeley-tags = {website},
      number = {1},
      pages = {97--107},
      title = {{Democratic Like Us? Political Orientation and the Effect of Making Democracy Salient on Anti-Israel Attitude}},
      volume = {3},
      year = {2016}
    }
    
  4. Lelkes, Y., & Sniderman, P. M. (2016). The Ideological Asymmetry of the American Party System. British Journal of Political Science, 46(04), 825–844. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123414000404

    Most Americans support liberal policies on the social welfare agenda, the dominant policy cleavage in American politics. Yet a striking feature of the US party system is its tendency to equilibrium. How, then, does the Republican Party minimize defection on the social welfare agenda? The results of this study illustrate a deep ideological asymmetry between the parties. Republican identifiers are ideologically aware and oriented to a degree that far exceeds their Democratic counterparts. Our investigation, which utilizes cross-sectional, longitudinal and experimental data, demonstrates the role of ideological awareness and involvement in the Republicans’ ability to maintain the backing of their supporters even on issues on which the position of the Democratic Party is widely popular. It also exposes two mechanisms, party branding and the use of the status quo as a focal point, that Democrats use to retain or rally support for issues on the social welfare agenda on which the Republican Party’s position is widely popular.

    @article{Lelkes2016,
      author = {Lelkes, Yphtach and Sniderman, Paul M.},
      doi = {10.1017/S0007123414000404},
      file = {:Users/ylelkes/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lelkes, Sniderman - 2016 - The Ideological Asymmetry of the American Party System.pdf:pdf},
      issn = {0007-1234},
      journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
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      language = {English},
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      month = nov,
      number = {04},
      pages = {825--844},
      publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
      title = {{The Ideological Asymmetry of the American Party System}},
      url = {http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayFulltext?type=1{\&}fid=9420396{\&}jid=JPS{\&}volumeId=-1{\&}issueId=-1{\&}aid=9420392{\&}bodyId={\&}membershipNumber={\&}societyETOCSession=},
      volume = {46},
      year = {2016}
    }
    
  5. Malka, A., Osborne, D., Soto, C. J., Greaves, L. M., Sibley, C. G., & Lelkes, Y. (2016). Binding Moral Foundations and the Narrowing of Ideological Conflict to the Traditional Morality Domain. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 42(9), 1206–16. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167216653936

    Morality is inherently social, yet much extant work in moral psychology ignores the central role of social processes in moral phenomena. To partly address this, this article examined the content of persuasive moral communication—the way people justify their moral attitudes in persuasive contexts. Across two studies, we explored variation in justification content (deontological, consequentialist, or emotive) as a function of moral foundations. Using justification selection techniques (Study 1) and open-ended justification production (Study 2), results demonstrate a preference (a) for deontological appeals in justifications for the sanctity foundation, (b) for consequentialist appeals for the individualizing foundations (care and fairness), and (c) for emotive appeals in justifications for the binding foundations (loyalty, authority and sanctity). The present research questions the generality of inferences about the primacy of emotions/intuition in moral psychology research and highlights the important role of reasons in persuasive moral communication.

    @article{Malka2016,
      author = {Malka, A. and Osborne, D. and Soto, C. J. and Greaves, L. M. and Sibley, C. G. and Lelkes, Y.},
      doi = {10.1177/0146167216653936},
      isbn = {0146167216653},
      issn = {0146-1672},
      journal = {Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin},
      keywords = {attitudes,disgust,moral foundations,political psychology,website},
      mendeley-tags = {website},
      number = {9},
      pages = {1206--16},
      title = {{Binding Moral Foundations and the Narrowing of Ideological Conflict to the Traditional Morality Domain}},
      url = {http://psp.sagepub.com/cgi/doi/10.1177/0146167216653936},
      volume = {42},
      year = {2016}
    }
    
  6. Brenes Peralta, C., Wojcieszak, M., Lelkes, Y., & de Vreese, C. (2016). Selective Exposure to Balanced Content and Evidence Type: The Case of Issue and Non-Issue Publics About Climate Change and Health Care. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 1–29. https://doi.org/10.1177/1077699016654681

    We examine three under-studied factors in selective exposure research. Linking issue publics and motivated reasoning literatures, we argue that selectivity patterns depend on (a) whether an individual is an issue public member; (b) the availability of balanced, pro-, and counter-attitudinal content; and (c) the evidence for a message claim (numerical vs. narrative). Using an online experiment (N = 560), we track information selection about climate change and health care. Most notably, on both issues, issue publics selected more balanced content with numerical evidence, compared with non-issue publics. We discuss the implications of our findings for the selective exposure literature. Scholars in communication and political science have increasingly focused on selec-tive exposure, that is, the tendency of media consumers to select information that is in line with their predispositions (e.

    @article{BrenesPeralta2016,
      author = {{Brenes Peralta}, Carlos and Wojcieszak, Magdalena and Lelkes, Yphtach and de Vreese, Claes},
      doi = {10.1177/1077699016654681},
      issn = {1077-6990},
      journal = {Journalism {\&} Mass Communication Quarterly},
      keywords = {website},
      mendeley-tags = {website},
      pages = {1--29},
      title = {{Selective Exposure to Balanced Content and Evidence Type: The Case of Issue and Non-Issue Publics About Climate Change and Health Care}},
      url = {http://journals.sagepub.com.proxy.uba.uva.nl:2048/doi/pdf/10.1177/1077699016654681},
      year = {2016}
    }
    

2015

  1. Lelkes, Y., & Weiss, R. (2015). Much ado about acquiescence: The relative validity and reliability of construct-specific and agree–disagree questions. Research & Politics, 2(3). Retrieved from http://rap.sagepub.com/content/2/3/2053168015604173.abstract

    Acquiescence response bias, or the tendency to agree with questions regardless of content, is a prominent concern in survey design. An often proposed solution, and one that was recently implemented in the American National Election Study, is to rewrite response options so that they tap directly into the dimensions of the construct of interest. However, there is little evidence that this solution improves data quality. We present a study in which we employ two waves of the 2012 American National Election Study in order to compare the reliability and concurrent validity of political efficacy questions in both the agree–disagree and construct-specific formats. Construct-specific questions were not only as reliable and valid as agree–disagree questions generally, they were also as valid among respondents that were most likely to acquiesce. This suggests two possible outcomes: Either agree–disagree questions do not negatively impact data quality or that construct-specific questions are not a panacea for acquiescence response bias.

    @article{Lelkes2015,
      author = {Lelkes, Yphtach and Weiss, Rebecca},
      journal = {Research {\&} Politics},
      keywords = {website},
      mendeley-tags = {website},
      month = sep,
      number = {3},
      title = {{Much ado about acquiescence: The relative validity and reliability of construct-specific and agree–disagree questions}},
      url = {http://rap.sagepub.com/content/2/3/2053168015604173.abstract},
      volume = {2},
      year = {2015}
    }
    

2014

  1. Malka, A., Soto, C. J., Inzlicht, M., & Lelkes, Y. (2014). Do needs for security and certainty predict cultural and economic conservatism? A cross-national analysis. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 106(6), 1031–51. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036170

    We examine whether individual differences in needs for security and certainty predict conservative (vs. liberal) position on both cultural and economic political issues and whether these effects are conditional on nation-level characteristics and individual-level political engagement. Analyses with cross-national data from 51 nations reveal that valuing conformity, security, and tradition over self-direction and stimulation (a) predicts ideological self-placement on the political right, but only among people high in political engagement and within relatively developed nations, ideologically constrained nations, and non-Eastern European nations, (b) reliably predicts right-wing cultural attitudes and does so more strongly within developed and ideologically constrained nations, and (c) on average predicts left-wing economic attitudes but does so more weakly among people high in political engagement, within ideologically constrained nations, and within non-Eastern European nations. These findings challenge the prevailing view that needs for security and certainty organically yield a broad right-wing ideology and that exposure to political discourse better equips people to select the broad ideology that is most need satisfying. Rather, these findings suggest that needs for security and certainty generally yield culturally conservative but economically left-wing preferences and that exposure to political discourse generally weakens the latter relation. We consider implications for the interactive influence of personality characteristics and social context on political attitudes and discuss the importance of assessing multiple attitude domains, assessing political engagement, and considering national characteristics when studying the psychological origins of political attitudes. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved).

    @article{Malka2014b,
      author = {Malka, Ariel and Soto, Christopher J and Inzlicht, Michael and Lelkes, Yphtach},
      doi = {10.1037/a0036170},
      isbn = {1939-1315(Electronic);0022-3514(Print)},
      issn = {1939-1315},
      journal = {Journal of personality and social psychology},
      keywords = {10,1037,a0036170,attitudes have traditionally,cultural conservatism,doi,dx,economic conservatism,emphasized the social and,http,ideology,institutional origins of political,org,political attitudes,prefer-,social scientists studying political,supp,supplemental materials},
      number = {6},
      pages = {1031--51},
      pmid = {24841103},
      title = {{Do needs for security and certainty predict cultural and economic conservatism? A cross-national analysis.}},
      url = {http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/24841103},
      volume = {106},
      year = {2014}
    }
    

2012

  1. Iyengar, S., Sood, G., & Lelkes, Y. (2012). Affect, Not Ideology: A Social Identity Perspective on Polarization. Public Opinion Quarterly, 76(3), 405–431. https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfs038

    The current debate over the extent of polarization in the American mass public focuses on the extent to which partisans’ policy preferences have moved. Whereas "maximalists" claim that partisans’ views on policies have become more extreme over time (Abramowitz 2010), "minimalists" (Fiorina and Abrams 2009) contend that the majority of Americans remain centrist, and that what little centrifugal movement has occurred reflects sorting, i.e., the increased association between partisanship and ideology. We argue in favor of an alternative definition of polarization, based on the classic concept of social distance (Bogardus 1947). Using data from a variety of sources, we demonstrate that both Republicans and Democrats increasingly dislike, even loathe, their opponents. We also find that partisan affect is inconsistently (and perhaps artifactually) founded in policy attitudes. The more plausible account lies in the nature of political campaigns; exposure to messages attacking the out-group reinforces partisans’ biased views of their opponents.

    @article{Iyengar2012,
      author = {Iyengar, S. and Sood, G. and Lelkes, Y.},
      doi = {10.1093/poq/nfs038},
      issn = {0033-362X},
      journal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
      keywords = {broadbandpolarization,lelkeswestwood,partisandiscrimination,polpar,selexppol,website,xnat},
      mendeley-tags = {broadbandpolarization,lelkeswestwood,partisandiscrimination,polpar,selexppol,website,xnat},
      month = sep,
      number = {3},
      pages = {405--431},
      title = {{Affect, Not Ideology: A Social Identity Perspective on Polarization}},
      url = {http://poq.oxfordjournals.org/content/early/2012/09/15/poq.nfs038.abstract?etoc http://poq.oxfordjournals.org/content/76/3/405.short},
      volume = {76},
      year = {2012}
    }
    
  2. Lelkes, Y., Krosnick, J. A., Marx, D. M., Judd, C. M., & Park, B. (2012). Complete anonymity compromises the accuracy of self-reports. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 48(6), 1291–1299. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2012.07.002

    Studies have shown that allowing people to answer questionnaires completely anonymously yields more reports of socially inappropriate attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors, and researchers have often assumed that this is evidence of increased honesty. But such evidence does not demonstrate that reports gathered under completely anonymous conditions are more accurate. Although complete anonymity may decrease a person’s motivation to distort reports in socially desirable directions, complete anonymity may also decrease accountability, thereby decreasing motivation to answer thoughtfully and precisely. Three studies reported in this paper demonstrate that allowing college student participants to answer questions completely anonymously sometimes increased reports of socially undesirable attributes, but consistently reduced reporting accuracy and increased survey satisficing. These studies suggest that complete anonymity may compromise measurement accuracy rather than improve it. \textcopyright 2012.

    @article{Lelkes2012,
      archiveprefix = {arXiv},
      arxivid = {arXiv:1011.1669v3},
      author = {Lelkes, Yphtach and Krosnick, Jon A. and Marx, David M. and Judd, Charles M. and Park, Bernadette},
      doi = {10.1016/j.jesp.2012.07.002},
      eprint = {arXiv:1011.1669v3},
      isbn = {9788578110796},
      issn = {00221031},
      journal = {Journal of Experimental Social Psychology},
      keywords = {Accountability,Anonymity,Response bias,Satisficing,Social Desirability},
      number = {6},
      pages = {1291--1299},
      pmid = {25246403},
      title = {{Complete anonymity compromises the accuracy of self-reports}},
      volume = {48},
      year = {2012}
    }
    
  3. Malka, A., Lelkes, Y., Srivastava, S., Cohen, A. B., & Miller, D. T. (2012). The association of religiosity and political conservatism: The role of political engagement. Political Psychology, 33(2), 275–299. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00875.x
    @article{malkaassociation,
      author = {Malka, Ariel and Lelkes, Yphtach and Srivastava, Sanjay and Cohen, Adam B. and Miller, Dale T.},
      doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00875.x},
      file = {:Users/ylelkes/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Malka et al. - 2012 - The Association of Religiosity and Political Conservatism The Role of Political Engagement.pdf:pdf},
      issn = {0162895X},
      journal = {Political Psychology},
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      mendeley-tags = {website},
      month = apr,
      number = {2},
      pages = {275--299},
      title = {{The association of religiosity and political conservatism: The role of political engagement}},
      url = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00875.x},
      volume = {33},
      year = {2012}
    }
    
  4. Malka, A., Lelkes, Y., Srivastava, S., Cohen, A. B., & Miller, D. T. (2012). The association of religiosity and political conservatism: The role of political engagement. Political Psychology, 33(2), 275–299. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00875.x

    Some argue that there is an organic connection between being religious and being politically conservative. We evaluate an alternative thesis that the relation between religiosity and political conservatism largely results from engagement with political discourse that indicates that these characteristics go together. In a combined sample of national survey respondents from 1996 to 2008, religiosity was associated with conservative positions on a wide range of attitudes and values among the highly politically engaged, but this association was generally weaker or nonexistent among those less engaged with politics. The specific political characteristics for which this pattern existed varied across ethno-religious groups. These results suggest that whether religiosity trans- lates into political conservatism depends to an important degree on level of engagement with political discourse.

    @article{Malka2012,
      author = {Malka, Ariel and Lelkes, Yphtach and Srivastava, Sanjay and Cohen, Adam B. and Miller, Dale T.},
      doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00875.x},
      isbn = {1467-9221},
      issn = {0162895X},
      journal = {Political Psychology},
      keywords = {Conservative ideology,Political attitudes,Political engagement,Religion,Social influence},
      number = {2},
      pages = {275--299},
      title = {{The association of religiosity and political conservatism: The role of political engagement}},
      volume = {33},
      year = {2012}
    }
    
  5. Ross, L. D., Lelkes, Y., & Russell, A. G. (2012). How Christians reconcile their personal political views and the teachings of their faith: Projection as a means of dissonance reduction. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 109(10), 3616–3622. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1117557109

    The present study explores the dramatic projection of one’s own views onto those of Jesus among conservative and liberal American Christians. In a large-scale survey, the relevant views that each group attributed to a contemporary Jesus differed almost as much as their own views. Despite such dissonance-reducing projection, however, conservatives acknowledged the relevant discrepancy with regard to "fellowship" issues (e.g., taxation to reduce economic inequality and treatment of immigrants) and liberals acknowledged the relevant discrepancy with regard to "morality" issues (e.g., abortion and gay marriage). However, conservatives also claimed that a contemporary Jesus would be even more conservative than themselves on the former issues whereas liberals claimed that Jesus would be even more liberal than themselves on the latter issues. Further reducing potential dissonance, liberal and conservative Christians differed markedly in the types of issues they claimed to be more central to their faith. A concluding discussion considers the relationship between individual motivational processes and more social processes that may underlie the present findings, as well as implications for contemporary social and political conflict.

    @article{ross2012christians,
      author = {Ross, Lee D and Lelkes, Yphtach and Russell, Alexandra G},
      doi = {10.1073/pnas.1117557109},
      file = {:Users/ylelkes/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ross, Lelkes, Russell - 2012 - How Christians reconcile their personal political views and the teachings of their faith Projection as a.pdf:pdf},
      issn = {1091-6490},
      journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
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      number = {10},
      pages = {3616--3622},
      pmid = {22308413},
      publisher = {National Acad Sciences},
      title = {{How Christians reconcile their personal political views and the teachings of their faith: Projection as a means of dissonance reduction}},
      url = {http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/22308413},
      volume = {109},
      year = {2012}
    }
    

2010

  1. Malka, A., & Lelkes, Y. (2010). More than Ideology: Conservative–Liberal Identity and Receptivity to Political Cues. Social Justice Research, 23(2-3), 156–188. Retrieved from http://www.springerlink.com/index/G753U3U6715MW653.pdf
    @article{Malka2010,
      author = {Malka, Ariel and Lelkes, Yphtach},
      file = {:Users/ylelkes/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Malka, Lelkes - 2010 - More than Ideology Conservative–Liberal Identity and Receptivity to Political Cues.pdf:pdf},
      isbn = {0885-7466},
      journal = {Social Justice Research},
      keywords = {Asymmetry,website},
      mendeley-tags = {Asymmetry,website},
      number = {2-3},
      pages = {156--188},
      title = {{More than Ideology: Conservative–Liberal Identity and Receptivity to Political Cues}},
      url = {http://www.springerlink.com/index/G753U3U6715MW653.pdf},
      volume = {23},
      year = {2010}
    }
    
  2. Payne, B. K., Krosnick, J. A., Pasek, J., Lelkes, Y., Akhtar, O., & Tompson, T. (2010). Implicit and explicit prejudice in the 2008 American presidential election. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 46(2), 367–374. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2009.11.001

    The 2008 US presidential election was an unprecedented opportunity to study the role of racial prejudice in political decision making. Although explicitly expressed prejudice has declined dramatically during the last four decades, more subtle implicit forms of prejudice (which come to mind automatically and may influence behavior unintentionally) may still exist. In three surveys of representative samples of American adults, explicit and implicit prejudice were measured during the months preceding the election. Both explicit and implicit prejudice were significant predictors of later vote choice. Citizens higher in explicit prejudice were less likely to vote for Barack Obama and more likely to vote for John McCain. After controlling for explicit prejudice, citizens higher in implicit prejudice were less likely to vote for Obama, but were not more likely to vote for McCain. Instead, they were more likely to either abstain or to vote for a third-party candidate rather than Obama. The results suggest that racial prejudice may continue to influence the voting process even among people who would not endorse these attitudes. ?? 2009.

    @article{Payne2010b,
      author = {Payne, B. Keith and Krosnick, Jon A. and Pasek, Josh and Lelkes, Yphtach and Akhtar, Omair and Tompson, Trevor},
      doi = {10.1016/j.jesp.2009.11.001},
      isbn = {00221031},
      issn = {00221031},
      journal = {Journal of Experimental Social Psychology},
      keywords = {Attitudes,Implicit prejudice,Political psychology,Social cognition},
      number = {2},
      pages = {367--374},
      title = {{Implicit and explicit prejudice in the 2008 American presidential election}},
      volume = {46},
      year = {2010}
    }
    

2009

  1. Pasek, J., Tahk, A., Lelkes, Y., Krosnick, J. A., Payne, B. K., Akhtar, O., & Tompson, T. (2009). Determinants of Turnout and Candidate Choice in the 2008 US Presidential Election: Illuminating the Impact of Racial Prejudice and Other Considerations. Public Opinion Quarterly, 73(5), 943.

    The presence of an African-American candidate on the ballot running for President in 2008 raises the possibility that the election outcome might have been influenced by anti-African-American racism among voters. This paper uses data from the Associated Press-Yahoo! News-Stanford University survey to explore this possibility, using measures of both explicit racism (symbolic racism) and implicit racism (the Affect Misattribution Procedure). The parameters of multinomial logistic regression equations were estimated to test the hypotheses that racism might have behaved differently on election day than they would have had racism been eliminated. The findings suggest that racism’s impact on the election outcome could have been substantial, by causing (1) people who would otherwise have voted for Obama to vote for McCain, for a nonmajor party candidate, or not to vote at all, (2) people who would not have voted to vote for McCain instead, and (3) people who would have voted for a nonmajor party candidate to vote for McCain instead.

    @article{Pasek2009,
      author = {Pasek, J and Tahk, A and Lelkes, Y and Krosnick, J A and Payne, B K and Akhtar, O and Tompson, T},
      file = {:Users/ylelkes/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pasek et al. - 2009 - Determinants of Turnout and Candidate Choice in the 2008 US Presidential Election Illuminating the Impact of Racia.pdf:pdf},
      journal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
      keywords = {website},
      mendeley-tags = {website},
      number = {5},
      pages = {943},
      publisher = {AAPOR},
      title = {{Determinants of Turnout and Candidate Choice in the 2008 US Presidential Election: Illuminating the Impact of Racial Prejudice and Other Considerations}},
      volume = {73},
      year = {2009}
    }